What Was the Sixth-Century Plague

The plague of the sixth century was a devastating epidemic that was first noted in Egypt in 541 C.E. It came to Constantinople, the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium), in 542, then spread through the empire, east into Persia, and into parts of southern Europe. The disease would flare up again somewhat frequently over the next fifty years or so, and would not be thoroughly overcome until the 8th century. The Sixth-Century Plague was the earliest plague pandemic to be reliably recorded in history. The Sixth-Century Plague Was Also Known As Justinians Plague or the Justinianic plague, because it struck the Eastern Roman Empire during the reign of Emperor Justinian. It was also reported by the historian Procopius that Justinian himself fell victim to the disease. He did, of course, recover, and he continued to reign for more than a decade. The Disease of Justinians Plague Just as in the Black Death of the 14th century, the disease that struck Byzantium in the sixth century is believed to have been Plague. From contemporary descriptions of symptoms, it appears that the bubonic, the pneumonic, and the septicemic forms of the plague were all present. The progress of the disease was similar to that of the later epidemic, but there were a few notable differences. Many plague victims underwent hallucinations, both before the onset of other symptoms and after the illness was underway. Some experienced diarrhea. And Procopius described patients who were several days along as either entering a deep coma or undergoing a violent delirium. None of these symptoms were commonly described in the 14th-century pestilence. The Origin and Spread of the Sixth-Century Plague According to Procopius, the sickness began in Egypt and spread along trade routes (particularly sea routes) to Constantinople. However, another writer, Evagrius, claimed the source of the disease to be in Axum (present-day Ethiopia and eastern Sudan). Today, there is no consensus for the plagues origin. Some scholars believe it shared the Black Deaths origins in Asia; others think it sprang from Africa, in the present day nations of Kenya, Uganda, and Zaire. From Constantinople it spread swiftly throughout the Empire and beyond; Procopius asserted that it embraced the entire world, and blighted the lives of all men. In reality, the pestilence didnt reach much farther north than the port cities of Europes Mediterranean coast. It did, however, spread east to Persia, where its effects were apparently just as devastating as in Byzantium. Some cities on common trade routes were nearly deserted after the plague struck; others were barely touched. In Constantinople, the worst seemed to be over when winter came in 542. But when the following spring arrived, there were further outbreaks throughout the empire. There is very little data concerning how often and where the disease erupted in the decades to come, but it is known that plague continued to return periodically throughout the rest of the 6th century, and remained endemic until the 8th century. Death Tolls There are currently no reliable numbers concerning those who died in Justinians Plague. There arent even truly reliable numbers for population totals throughout the Mediterranean at this time. Contributing to the difficulty of determining the number of deaths from plague itself is the fact that food became scarce, thanks to the deaths of many people who grew it and transported it. Some died of starvation without ever experiencing a single plague symptom. But even without hard and fast statistics, it is clear that the death rate was undeniably high. Procopius reported that as many as 10,000 people a day perished during the four months that the pestilence ravaged Constantinople. According to one traveler, John of Ephesus, Byzantiums capital city suffered greater numbers of dead than any other city. There were reportedly thousands of corpses littering the streets, a problem that was handled by having enormous pits dug across the Golden Horn to hold them. Although John stated that these pits held 70,000 bodies each, it still wasnt enough to hold all the dead. Corpses were placed in the towers of the city walls and left inside houses to rot. The numbers are probably exaggerations, but even a fraction of the totals given would have severely affected the economy as well as the overall psychological state of the populace. Modern estimates — and they can only be estimates at this point — suggest that Constantinople lost from one-third to one-half its population. There were probably more than 10 million deaths throughout the Mediterranean, and possibly as many as 20 million, before the worst of the pandemic was through. What Sixth-Century People Believed Caused the Plague There is no documentation to support an investigation into the scientific causes of the disease. Chronicles, to a man, ascribe the plague to the will of God. How People Reacted to Justinians Plague The wild hysteria and panic that marked Europe during the Black Death were absent from sixth-century Constantinople. People seemed to accept this particular catastrophe as just one among many misfortunes of the times. Religiosity among the populace was just as notable in sixth-century Eastern Rome as it was in 14th-century Europe, and so there was an increase in the number of people entering monasteries as well as a rise in donations and bequests to the Church. Effects of Justinians Plague on the Eastern Roman Empire The sharp drop in population resulted in manpower shortages, which led to a rise in the cost of labor. As a result, inflation soared. The tax base shrank, but the need for tax revenue did not; some city governments, therefore, cut salaries for publicly sponsored doctors and teachers. The burden of the death of agricultural landowners and laborers was two-fold: the reduced production of food caused shortages in the cities, and the old practice of neighbors assuming the responsibility of paying taxes on vacant lands caused an increased economic strain. To alleviate the latter, Justinian ruled that neighboring landowners should no longer bear the responsibility for deserted properties. Unlike Europe after the Black Death, the population levels of the Byzantine Empire were slow to recover. Whereas 14th-century Europe saw a rise in marriage and birth rates after the initial epidemic, Eastern Rome experienced no such increases, due in part to the popularity of monasticism and its accompanying rules of celibacy. It is estimated that, over the course of the last half of the 6th century, the population of the Byzantine Empire and its neighbors around the Mediterranean Sea declined by as much as 40%. At one time, the popular consensus among historians was that the plague marked the beginning of a long decline for Byzantium, from which the empire never recovered. This thesis has its detractors, who point to a notable level of prosperity in Eastern Rome in the year 600. There is, however, some evidence for the plague and other disasters of the time as marking a turning point in the development of the Empire, from a culture holding on to the Roman conventions of the past to a civilization turning to the Greek character of the next 900 years.

Philippines Market Segmentation - 1407 Words

Market segmentation is a long-standing strategy used especially in consumer products. It is measurable, accessible, distinguishable, and actionable. Observing markets in the Philippines, can you identify market segments for fast food, garments, cigarettes, alcohol, computers, passenger cars, and beach resort? Please show the positioning of 2 consumer products and their competition in these segments. For levels of Micromarketing 1. Segment Marketing – consists of a group of customers who share a similar set of needs wants. Rather than creating the segment, marketer’s task is to identify them and decide which one(s) to target. 2. Niche Marketing – is a more narrowly defined customer group seeking a distinctive mix of benefits.†¦show more content†¦However, because of the influx and supremacy of commercial drinks, native drinks have been confined to small-scale production Information Technology The Philippine information technology market is primarily being driven by extraordinary growth in outsourced ICT services. The Philippines’ strongest market niche is in IT-enabled services or call centers. More and more companies are making infrastructure investments to support the demand for call center facilities. In fact, the Philippine call center/outsourcing industry is projected to be among the largest sectors in the country for the next five years. Automotive The Philippine automotive aftermarket industry represents a significant portion of economic activity in the Philippines, with extensive upstream and downstream linkages to diverse industries. The industry contributes in a significant way to the country’s employment, investments and exports. Moreover, strong links exist between motor vehicle assemblers, motor vehicle parts and components manufacturers and importers. The off-brand replacement aftermarket for automotive parts is bigger than the OEM (Original Equipment Manufacturer) replacement market, since the country has a large inventory of old (more than 10 years old) motor vehicles and imported second-hand refurbished commercial vehicles. Based on Land Transportation Records (LTO), theShow MoreRelatedPhilippines Market Segmentation1421 Words   |  6 PagesMarket segmentation is a long-standing strategy used especially in consumer products. It is measurable, accessible, distinguishable, and actionable. Observing markets i n the Philippines, can you identify market segments for fast food, garments, cigarettes, alcohol, computers, passenger cars, and beach resort? Please show the positioning of 2 consumer products and their competition in these segments. For levels of Micromarketing 1. Segment Marketing – consists of a group of customers who shareRead MoreConcept of Market Segmentation, Targeting and Positioning. Market Segmentation apply on Hotel and Personal Computer.1978 Words   |  8 PagesMarket Segmentation Market Segmentation means breaking down the total market into self contained and relatively homogeneous subgroups of customers, each possessing its own special requirements and characteristics. This enables the company to modify its output, advertising messages and promotional methods to correspond to the needs of particular segments. Accurate segmentation allows the firm to pinpoint selling opportunities and to tailors its marketing activities to satisfy on consumer needs.Read MoreSiomai Maker1097 Words   |  5 PagesExecutive Summary The Market The market for Siomai Making Machine is huge in the Philippines. 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As the leading supplier of sauces and condiments in local markets, the company are known for producing an iconic Filipino brands that continue to be part of every Filipino home. Nutriasia is a steadily growing company that values excellence. NutriAsia is rooted into the entrepreneurial spirit which builds onRead MoreSoap in Philippines8595 Words   |  35 PagesINDUSTRY PROFILE Soap in Philippines Reference Code: 0115-0208 Publication Date: April 2011 www.datamonitor.com Datamonitor USA 245 Fifth Avenue 4th Floor New York, NY 10016 USA t: +1 212 686 7400 f: +1 212 686 2626 e: usinfo@datamonitor.com Datamonitor Europe 119 Farringdon Road London EC1R 3DA United Kingdom t: +44 20 7551 9000 f: +44 20 7675 7500 e: eurinfo@datamonitor.com Datamonitor Middle East and North Africa Datamonitor PO Box 24893 Dubai, UAE t: +49 69 9754 4517 f: +49 69 9754 4900 e:Read MoreExpo Research1794 Words   |  8 PagesPhilippine Travel and Tour Expo Research Paper The Philippine Travel and Tour Expo was held last February 19-21, 2010 at the SMX convention center. With the theme â€Å"Ready, Jet-set, Go!†, the event presents an exceptional atmosphere that stimulates the desire to travel among visitors – either by air, water, rail or road, for business or for recreation, within or outside the Philippines. Considered as the country’s biggest travel event, this year’s expo was participated by 230 travel and tourism companies

General Categories of Sexual Harassment Free Essays

As more and more women have entered the workforce in the last several decades, there has been a heightened awareness of the problem of sexual harassment. The recent spate of successful employee litigation in this area, combined with tan extension of an employer†s liability for acts of its supervisors and often its rank-and-file employees, has created an area of serious concern to employers. This is particularly so given the heightened awareness to the issue inherent in the U. We will write a custom essay sample on General Categories of Sexual Harassment or any similar topic only for you Order Now S. Supreme Court confirmation hearing of Justice Clarence Thomas. It is important for supervisor and manager to be familiar with the laws of sexual harassment. Their knowledge and actions will not only legally bind the company, but may also make themselves personally liable for violation the law. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), which enforces federal prohibition against sexual harassment, defines sexual harassment as â€Å"unwelcome sexual advances, request for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature.† The California Fair Employment and Housing Commission (FEHC), which enforces state law, further defines sexual harassment to include: Verbal harassment, such as epithets, derogatory comments or slurs; Physical harassment, such as assault or physical interference with movement or work; and Visual harassment, such as derogatory cartoons, drawings or posters. Two General Categories of Sexual Harassment Over the years, the courts have separated sexual harassment into tow main categories: 1. â€Å"Quid pro quo† occurs when a supervisor or manager conditions an employment benefit or continuing employment on the employees acquiescence in the form of sexual behavior. 2. â€Å"Hostile† or â€Å"offensive† work environment sexual harassment. No employment benefits need be lost or gained, and this type of harassment may be engaged in not only by management, but also by coworkers or persons who are not even employed by the employer. An offensive work environment occurs where sexual jokes, suggestive remarks, cartoons, physical interference with movement such as blocking or following, and sexually derogatory comments create an offensive working environment. In determining when conduct is unwelcome, it†s important to determine is whether the victim indicated by his/her conduct that the sexual advance or conduct were unwelcome, not whether any participation was voluntary. The victim†s conduct may be totally passive, such as not laughing at sexual jokes. In determining whether a work environment is hostile, the conduct must be sufficiently severe and pervasive so as to alter the condition of the employee†s employment. Trivial or merely annoying conduct is not enough. A pattern of offensive conduct is generally required also. Unless severe, a single incident or isolated incident of sexual conduct or remarks will not be sufficient to show environmental harassment. Finally, the conduct will be evaluated from the objective viewpoint of a reasonable person facing the same conditions. The victim†s perspective will be used, not community standards or stereotypes of acceptable behavior. In California, an employer is strictly liable for the sexual harassing conduct of managers and supervisors in both the â€Å"quid pro quo† and â€Å"hostile environment† situation on the common law theory that holds an employer liable for injuries committed by employees during the course of their employment. The assumption is made that if the manager/supervisor did it, then the manager/supervisor knew about it, and therefore the company knew about it. The employer is liable for harassment of an employee by a co-worker and possibly even of non-employees, if the employer knew, or should have known, of such conduct and failed to take immediate and appropriate action. Sexual harassment also may occur where employment benefits are granted because of one employee†s submission to a supervisor†s request for sexual favors, but where other employees equally or better qualified to receive the benefits are denied them. If the employer did not know of the conduct, the FEHC will consider that the employer had notice unless the employer can establish that it took reasonable steps to prevent the harassment from occurring. Such reasonable steps may include having a sexual harassment policy in place, as well as providing sexual harassment training to supervisors and managers. Supervisors, managers, and employees must know and follow the company†s policy against sexual harassment. If a violation of company policy is found, a prompt and effective remedy should be provided to the complaining employee and disciplinary action taken against the harasser. The company can only determine whether company policy was violated. Supervisors and mangers should avoid making any statements or conclusions that illegal sexual harassment has taken place. How to cite General Categories of Sexual Harassment, Essay examples

Clubfoot Essay Research Paper CLUBFOOT Clubfoot is free essay sample

Clubfoot Essay, Research Paper Clubfoot Clubfoot is defined as a inborn pes malformation characterized by a kidney molded pes that turns inward and points down. The forefoot is curved inward, the heel is dead set inward, and the mortise joint is fixed in plantation owner flexure with the toes indicating down. Sawed-off sinews on the interior of the lower leg, together with abnormally shaped castanetss that restrict motion outwards cause the pes to turn inwards. A tightened Achilless tendon causes the pes to indicate downwards. The medical term for talipes is talipes equinovarus. It is the most common inborn upset of the lower appendage. There are several fluctuations, but talipes equinovarus being the most common. Clubfeet occurs in about 1 in every 800-1000 babes, being twice every bit common in male childs than misss. One or both pess may be affected. The history of clubfeet began as far back as 400 B.C. Hipocrates was the first to depict it. He used patchs to handle it. As clip progressed so did the intervention methods. In about 1743 soft stretching was recommended. During that same century, a mechanical device resembling a turnbuckle was used to assist stretch the sinews. By this clip talipes was reasonably good known around the universe, utilizing the typical stretching and splinting methods. In the 1800 s plaster of Paris was foremost introduced, and subsequently that same century, the debut of sterile technique and anasthesia diminished, but non eliminated infection. As the 70 s and 80 s rolled about, other more dependable methods were depended upon. These new methods were less dependent on wrapping and taping. The bulk of clubfeet consequences from unnatural development of the musculuss, sinews, and castanetss while the babe is organizing in the womb. Familial and environmental factors in the development of the foetus seem to besides be some of the causes. The perturbation of the normal turning pes likely occurs at about the 8th hebdomad of gestation. The cause of the pes turning deformed is unknown, but believed to hold something to make with heredity. Many instances of talipes do non hold easy identifiable causes. The end of intervention is to accomplish and keep every bit normal as a pes as possible. The extent of the needed intervention varies, depending upon the rigidness of the pes. Treatment may take several months, but most kids learn to creep, stand, and walk at the normal age. There are a couple different ways to travel about handling talipes, the two most perfered being use and casting, and surgery. Clubfoot is most common in kids who suffer from spina bifida who have an L4 or L5 motor degree. Many orthopaedic sawboness alternatively of consecutive casting suggest early tape and soft use followed by an application of a well-padded s plint. The ground for this is because consecutive casting can do skin annoyances and dislocation. Another technique use and casting is a intervention that begins shortly after birth. It involves easy stretching out the tightened musculuss and keeping the pes in an improved place with a dramatis personae. The dramatis personaes are made of plaster and extend from the toes to either merely above the articulatio genus, or merely below it. Adduction of the pes is normally corrected foremost, followed by inversion of the hindfoot, and in conclusion the plantar flexure. The dramatis personaes are changed often, each clip shifting the pes a small closer to normal. For the first two-three hebdomads, the dramatis personaes are changed every 2nd to 4th twenty-four hours. Cast alterations are so decreased to one time every one-two hebdomads. This intervention continues until the kid is three to six months old. This method of intervention is straitening to the baby for merely a short period of c lip. For this ground parents will be taught cast attention before go forthing the clinic. If the pes is excessively stiff to let for equal rectification, so the tight or shortened sinews may necessitate to be lengthened or released. The type of surgery varies harmonizing to how much soft tissue is released. During a surgical rectification of a mild instance of talipes, the sawbones must make up ones mind which articulations require no, minimum, or moderate scratch. In mild talipes, the mid and posterior subtalar articulations requires minimum or no scratch. All median sinews are lengthened, the front tooth and midtarsal articulations are released, and the heel chord is lengthened. In handling a moderate instance of talipes, the sawbones releases the anterior subtalar articulation, and all median sinews are lengthened. Last when handling the terrible talipes, all malformations are attempted to be corrected Once an acceptable rectification has been achieved by projecting it will necessitate to be maintained with a splint. The most common type of splint is the Dennis Brown boot and saloon. Initially the splint must be worn 20 four hours a twenty-four hours. As the kid learns to walk, the clip in the splint is bit by bit reduced to nighttime usage merely. This could go on until the kid is four or five old ages old. Physical therapy is besides used to handle a kid with talipes. It includes stretching, splinting, taping, supervising dramatis personaes, and learning the parents how to assist and actuate the kid to make mundane life activities. To keep rectification, the kid should be followed by the orthopaedic sawbones until the castanetss, in the pes have stopped turning. This is necessary because the turning pes may slowly loose rectification. If this happens, surgery on the sinews or unnatural castanetss may be needed with repetition projecting. Most kids who have been treated for clubfe et develop usually, and take part in any athletic or recreational activity they choose.

The History of the Genocide in the Rwandan

Introduction The Rwanda genocide that occurred in 1994 led to the loss of about 800,000 lives of the Tutsi community. The assassination of the president Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the genocide where the Hutu militia together with the Rwandan military organized systematic attacks on the Tutsi who were the minority ethnic group in Rwanda.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The History of the Genocide in the Rwandan specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The Rwandan genocide was quite strange because it was a speedy mass killing, which led to the loss of about 800,000 lives in just 100 days. The United States of America president at that time Bill Clinton during his visit to Rwanda apologized and told the Tutsi that he felt like other people â€Å"†¦who did not fully appreciate the depth and the speed with which you were being engulfed by this unimaginable terror† (Power Para. 7). The Rwanda genocide becomes t he extreme genocide that occurred in the 20th century. This essay explores the history of the genocide, the reasoning of the Hutu government and establishes why the international community did not intervene. History of the Genocide Hutu and Tutsi are the two tribes of Rwanda who have always been political enemies, fighting for power since independence in 1952. Belgians who colonized Rwanda favored Tutsi while they neglected the Hutu, but after independence, Hutu begun to enjoy the privileges of the government. â€Å"†¦independence ushered in three decades of Hutu rule, under which Tutsi were systematically discriminated against and periodically subjected to waves of killing and ethnic cleansing† (Power Para. 17). Many Tutsi went to exile in the neighboring countries and formed rebels who constantly attacked the Hutu government. In 1990, Tutsi formed the Rwanda Patriotic Front, which attacked the Hutu government leading to the Rwandan civil war. The Rwandan civil war led to the signing of the Arusha Accord that compelled the Rwandan government, which Hutu dominated, to form a government of national unity by incorporating marginalized Tutsi and the Hutu who were in opposition. For the realization of peace, the deployment United Nation peacekeepers helped in demilitarization of the civilians for Tutsi and Hutu to live in harmony. Hutu thought that the Tutsi and the Belgians wanted to enslave them again as during colonization and they vowed never to agree with the terms of the Arusha Accord. By 1993, â€Å"Hutu extremists rejected these terms and set out to terrorize Tutsi and those Hutu politicians supportive of the peace process †¦thousands Rwandans were killed, and some 9,000 were detained while guns, grenades, and machetes began arriving by the planeload† (Power Para. 18).Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Subsequent periodic attacks on Tu tsi set the stage for the genocide in 1994. Then, there was evident militarization of Hutu in readiness to exterminate the Tutsi and Belgian peacekeepers, who the Hutu perceived as their enemies. The assassination of the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana triggered systematic mass killings of Tutsi by the Hutu military where they killed about 800,000 Tutsi in about 100 days. Though many diplomats perceived it as civil war, they alter discovered albeit late, that genocide had occurred. Now the genocide is a great scar in the land of Rwanda. Hutu Government Hutu government emerged after independence in 1952. Prior to the independence, the Tutsi enjoyed much privilege from the colonial government because they cooperated with the Belgians in undermining the Hutu struggles for independence. Therefore, the Hutu government reasoned that Tutsi were their enemies and they fought them both politically and by use of military. Democracy was difficult to achieve because political parties and Tutsi were defiant to the Hutu government and it perceived them as dissidents. The enmity of the Hutu and the Tutsi became feasible when the Hutu government in three decades consecutively discriminated against the Tutsi tribe leading to their exile. â€Å"In 1990 a group of armed exiles, mainly Tutsi, who had been clustered on the Ugandan border, invaded Rwanda†¦next several years the rebels, known as the Rwandan Patriotic Front gained ground against Hutu government forces† (Power Para. 16). After the Rwandan civil war, the Hutu government realized that the Tutsi were a great threat to their government and their existence, hence devised ways to exterminate them. The Hutu government also perceived the signing of the Arusha Accord that led to the formation of government of national unity as a scheme to overthrow them out of government. The Arusha Accord was just a paper as the then United Nations assistant executive; Beardsley confessed that, â€Å"we flew to Rwanda with a Michelin road map, a copy of the Arusha agreement, and that was it †¦ under the impression that the situation was quite straightforward; there was one cohesive government side and one cohesive rebel side† (Power Para. 21).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The History of the Genocide in the Rwandan specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The Hutu extremists in the government rejected the implementation of the Arusha Accord and did not implement it to the letter. Consequently, anyone who was supporting the Arusha Accord became an enemy to the Hutu government. The Hutu government reasoned that Tutsi, opposition leaders and foreign diplomats wanted to overthrow them from the government, thus organized systematic mass killings as a way of defending their its rule. The assassination of their president was a clear indication of a scheme to overthrow the government. International Community The international communi ty did not intervene in the Rwanda genocide because of the bureaucracies in their policies. For instance, the United States foreign policy did not provide for Bill Clinton to intervene the occurrence of Rwanda genocide. George Bush in 2000 issued his statement concerning Rwanda that, â€Å"I don’t like genocide, but I would not commit our troops †¦ genocide could happen again tomorrow and we wouldn’t respond to any differently† (Power Para. 40). The foreign policies of the United States are full of bureaucracies and that is why it took long for them to respond but with apologies that could not help. They did not consider Rwanda genocide as a humanitarian crisis, thus, they kept quiet while 8000 lives are lost per day. There were slow responses from the international community because the situation of Rwanda was a combination of civil war and genocide. Power argues that, â€Å"it is true that the precise nature and extent of the slaughter was obscured by th e civil war, the withdrawal of U.S. diplomatic sources, some confused press reporting, and the lies of the Rwandan government† (Para. 26). Other nations relied on the United Nations and the United States of America but they all kept quiet leaving them to rely on confusing news from the Rwandan government and the media. If the international community could have intervened, it could be justified as a humanitarian war because it could have saved many lives Conclusion The Rwandan genocide is a shocking experience to the world because it depicts how human lives can be lost in such an inhuman way. The situation of Rwanda became much worse as the international community never responded effectively to save the situation.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The international community never imagined that mass killings of that extent would occur as many thought that what was happening was just a normal civil war. Thus, ethnical politics of Rwanda and the international community are responsible for the occurrence and the extent of the genocide. Works Cited Power, Samantha. â€Å"Bystanders to Genocide.† The Atlantic Monthly 288.2 September 2001. Web. https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2001/09/bystanders-to-genocide/304571/ This essay on The History of the Genocide in the Rwandan was written and submitted by user Zion Mcguire to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

11 Body Language Mistakes Youre Making in Your Interview

11 Body Language Mistakes Youre Making in Your Interview We’re all nervous going into job interviews. And a lot of times nervousness has a funny way of creeping into our body language in ways we don’t intend. Trouble is, interviewers aren’t nervous, so every body language faux pas is that much more glaring to them. Here are 11  body language mistakes  to watch out for when prepping for your interview.1. Lip bitingAn anxious habit that can be read as a sign of deceit or even as a sexual advance. Avoid!2. Rapid Head MovementThis is straight out of the established list of things to watch out for in liars. Try to keep your head still when being asked a question, and not move it immediately after.3. Mouth CoveringThis can convey your reluctance to answer the question. Try not to cover your mouth unless you sneeze or cough, at least while you’re in the hot seat.4. StiffnessAt the same time, try to avoid being too still. You’ll look a bit awkward, forced, or even as though you’re trying to overcompens ate for your dishonesty with your stillness. Act natural!5. PointingWe all gesture. And that’s fine- natural even. But pointing, especially directly or aggressively, is often considered rude or deflective.6. Covering UpIf you tend to cover vulnerable or sensitive body parts when you’re nervous, this is a habit to watch out for. Even if it’s natural to feel vulnerable, you should try not to show it too clearly. You don’t want to be perceived as having anything to hide.7. Unbalanced Eye ContactIt’s crucial to maintain an appropriate level of eye contact- not too much (weird) and not too little (untrustworthy/shady). Try to strike a natural balance and avoid extremes in either direction.8. MicroexpressionsIf you’re prone to these split second faces or minute little eye rolls, best to try and keep them in check, lest your interviewer notice and get the wrong idea.9. Fake SmilesBetter not to smile big and pretty if you can’t do it without appearing phony. If you can’t make your whole face look happy, not just your smile, then people will notice and assume you’re full of it. Be as genuine and positive as possible.10. Physical BarriersDon’t place physical blockades between you and your interviewer- i.e. your purse, a menu, your phone, your coat. Remain open. If you don’t, your interviewer might assume you’re trying to keep your distance for whatever reason.11. Shallow BreathsTry to keep your breathing calm and even. Heavy, shallow breaths are often credited as a typical behavior of liars. Don’t get lumped into that category just because of nerves!

The Problem of Scepticism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

The Problem of Scepticism - Essay Example The problem of skepticism may be divided into ‘what’ can be known by a person because every individual has a certain amount of knowledge about plenty of things and most people presume a great number of things from the implications of the situation at hand. Some of these facts may seem to be so true to a person that anyone doubting them would be doing a very pointless job. For example, one writes with a pen on a paper; this is a very common aspect of daily living and it is not possible to be skeptic about such a statement because it is quite obvious that a pen is an instrument one uses to write on paper. However, it may so be understood that just because most people believe in a certain aspect of life, it may not actually be true. For example, earlier, people were under the impression that the world was flat and not round, however, science proved them wrong by making it clear that the Earth is round and it revolves around the sun unlike popular theory at the time accordin g to which the Earth was the major segment of the universe around which every star and planet revolved. Optical illusions are another aspect of beliefs that most people have which do not turn out to be true in the end. Sometimes people presume that they are seeing someone familiar from a distance however on coming closer they realize that they are mistaken about the same and that it is a different person. Optical illusions play tricks on a person’s eyes and make them believe in something that does not exist. It is possible to be skeptic about everything that occurs around oneself however, in that case, it will not be possible to believe in what the reality or actuality of the situation is. If one keeps going on about this fashion, then it might not be easy to understand when to stop questioning and when to start believing in what is happening around a person. A man will be caught up in infinite regress if he goes on doubting everything happening around him and will not be abl e to differentiate between an experience and an actual situation.  

Chines Art Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Chines Art - Essay Example ur symbolize the â€Å"five virtues†: civil virtues, because its comb makes it look like a mandarin and therefore suggests advancement and promotion; martial virtues, because of its spurs; virtues associated with courage because of its conduct in battle; virtues in association with kindness, because it protects its hens; virtues related to confidence because of the accuracy with which it heralds the dawn. It also spoke of  reliability, epitome of fidelity and punctuality. Cock fighting is said to be the world’s oldest spectator sport and was entrenched in ancient India, China, Persia, and other Eastern countries, and was introduced into Ancient Greece in the time of Themistocles (c. 524–460 BC). In 1949 Mao Zedong, poet and founder of New China, wrote a verse that included the stanza: "The rooster sings, the bright sky turns.† The rooster is known to be a fierce fighter; this line celebrates its proclamation to the nation of victory over darkness at the start of each day. In this sense the battling rooster is symbolic, but China also has a history of competitive cock fighting that dates back 4,000 years. It is, therefore, deeply rooted in its culture. Goading roosters into fighting is an easy matter, as it is their instinct to ward off any rivals for their hen

Factors Of Influence On Retail Trade Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Factors Of Influence On Retail Trade - Essay Example on the retail industry as a whole and therefore Sainsbury’s have been chosen for the purpose as it holds the 30th position in the global ranking of retail industry â€Å"Kantar Retail Top 50 Retailer Rankings† (Kantar Retail, 2013). Sainsbury’s was set up during 1869 and presently it runs more than 1106 convenience stores and supermarkets that provide job opportunities to almost 157000 people. Customer is considered to be the heart of the organization and the firm continuously invests money for improving the experience of the channel partners and employees to offer the customer with the best â€Å"shopping experience† (J Sainsbury PLC, 2013). Key Issues Whilst Tesco has issues in almost each part of its operations, its greatest competitor Sainsbury's revealed an advanced move towards growth in sales by the means of â€Å"quality and service† (Gottdiener, 1998). Sainsbury successfully exchanged blows with its rivals like Asda and Tesco. Justin King, the chief executive of the firm stated that the success of Sainsbury primarily rooted from its excellent service quality and from the superior quality self-brand products. The firm has strongly protested against the â€Å"Price Promise† ad program of Tesco. According to Sainsbury, The program deceives the consumers since it proves to be a failure in pointing out that the firm’s own-label brands have original standards or excellent ethical benchmarks. Sainsbury’s claim had been supported by â€Å"ethical trading accreditation bodies† namely the RSPCA's Freedom Food proposal, the Marine Stewardship Council and the Fair-trade (Butler and Rankin, 2013). According to Justin King, fundamentally most of the customers visiting the supermarkets prefer to opt for discount stores like Lidl and Aldi, and these stores have been... Whilst Tesco has issues in almost each part of its operations, its greatest competitor Sainsbury's revealed an advanced move towards growth in sales by the means of â€Å"quality and service† (Gottdiener, 1998). Sainsbury successfully exchanged blows with its rivals like Asda and Tesco. Justin King, the chief executive of the firm stated that the success of Sainsbury primarily rooted from its excellent service quality and from the superior quality self-brand products. The firm has strongly protested against the "Price Promise" ad program of Tesco. According to Sainsbury, The program receives the consumers since it proves to be a failure in pointing out that the firm's own-label brands have original standards or excellent ethical benchmarks. Sainsbury's claim had been supported by "ethical trading accreditation bodies" namely the RSPCA's Freedom Food proposal, the Marine Stewardship Council and the Fair-trade (Butler and Rankin, 2013). According to Justin King, fundamentally mo st of the customers visiting the supermarkets prefer to opt for discount stores like Lidl and Aldi, and these stores have been experiencing remarkable growth for the past years. However, in spite of offering goods at discounted prices, Lidl and Aldi failed to beat the superior service provided by Sainsbury's. The in-house labels of the retailer like â€Å"By Sainsbury's† and â€Å"Taste the Difference† developed at a rate that is two times the rate of the external brands since the customers always find ways for saving money.

Análisis de la Producción Legislativa 1990-2008

Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008 I. Resumen El presente trabajo titulado â€Å"Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008†, tiene el propà ³sito de analizar el desempeà ±o institucional del Congreso, como Poder del Estado, especà ­ficamente a su funcià ³n legislativa, en el perà ­odo comprendido entre el 1 ° de enero de 1990 al 31 de diciembre del 2008. Esta investigacià ³n nace de la inquietud de la relacià ³n entre el Poder Ejecutivo y el Poder Legislativo a raà ­z de la modificacià ³n a nuestra Constitucià ³n en el aà ±o de 1994. Luego de una crisis de legitimidad de unos comicios electorales, se modifica la fecha de las elecciones para elegir al Presidente de la Repà ºblica; nos encontramos con un Poder Legislativo, donde la mitad del perà ­odo iniciarà ­a con un ejecutivo y la otra mitad con otro ejecutivo diferente. Surge la inquietud de evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa y La Efectividad del Poder Legislativo: Entre el Poder Polà ­tico y el Poder Institucional Hablar de la labor del Congreso en tà ©rminos de produccià ³n presenta retos conceptuales significativos pues dicha labor no es reducible a una cuantà ­a objetiva y tangible sobre lo que pueda emitir el criterio comà ºn. Existe una dimensià ³n cuantificable en dicha labor: el Nà ºmero de leyes y Resoluciones emanados de la Asamblea Legislativa en determinado perà ­odo. Intentar dar igual peso a cada unidad de legislacià ³n representarà ­a importantes diferencias cualitativas entre ellas. Peor aà ºn, puede crear una ilusià ³n de eficiencia en perà ­odos en que crece la aprobacià ³n de leyes triviales o de ineficiencia en perà ­odos en que se aprueban tan solo unas pocas pero fundamentales. Es posible analizar la legislacià ³n aprobada cualitativamente, clasificando su relevancia segà ºn la opinià ³n de expertos (Mayhew, 1991). No obstante, es imposible hacerlo sin introducir un alto grado de subjetividad en el anà ¡lisis. La excelencia objetiva de la legislacià ³n aprobada solo puede valorarse con respecto a la legislacià ³n potencial-la agenda polà ­tica en un momento determinado. El estudio analiza y evalà ºa la produccià ³n del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano de gobierno. Aunque las funciones del Parlamento son muy amplias y variadas (representar, debatir, controlar) su actividad legislativa es la que lo ubica como Poder co-gobernante y le otorga una posicià ³n central en el proceso polà ­tico de toma de decisiones. La razà ³n para analizar la produccià ³n legislativa del Congreso consiste precisamente en que el cumplimiento de sus otras funciones ha sido visto, frecuentemente, como un obstà ¡culo para su desempeà ±o como à ³rgano de gobierno. Adicionalmente, su condicià ³n asambleistita y el pluralismo de su integracià ³n, son los factores estructurales que apoyan una visià ³n crà ­tica que ve al Poder Legislativo como una institucià ³n â€Å"ineficiente† que bloquea el proceso de gobierno. En consecuencia, este anà ¡lisis y evaluacià ³n de la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento busca establecer con precisià ³n la cuantà ­a de su contribucià ³n al proceso de gobierno y las caracterà ­sticas con que se desarrolla. Nuestro trabajo se centra, especà ­ficamente en las leyes y reformas a leyes aprobadas por mayorà ­a absoluta y no aborda las otras funciones constitucionales del Congreso. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n presenta los siguientes productos: a) Nà ºmero total de leyes promulgadas por el Poder Ejecutivo; b) Ordenamiento de ese conjunto en base a un â€Å"Indice de Importancia Polà ­tica†, con una metodologà ­a de ponderacià ³n; c) Efectividad del Poder Ejecutivo y del Poder Legislativo en materia de iniciativas legislativas sancionadas en dicho perà ­odo, d) Vetos Institucionales, e) Nà ºmero de Partidos Polà ­ticos. Los resultados de la investigacià ³n en cada uno de estos puntos, se exponen en los respectivos capà ­tulos del informe, respaldado con cuadros y grà ¡ficas. El estudio està ¡ organizado de la siguiente manera: El Primer Capà ­tulo del informe es fundamentalmente un desarrollo conceptual que presenta una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento como institucià ³n. Inicialmente se establecen, de forma general, el conjunto de funciones de los parlamentos en los regà ­menes democrà ¡ticos y se muestra como sus caracterà ­sticas pueden variar en funcià ³n de ciertos aspectos del diseà ±o institucional. En el segundo apartado se da cuenta de las crà ­ticas que han recibido los Congresos tanto desde quienes le exigen eficiencia como desde los que lo acusan de debilidad institucional. Finalmente se desarrolla una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento dominicano, describiendo su ubicacià ³n institucional, composicià ³n, funciones, se describen las normas que regulan el proceso legislativo y algunas puntualizaciones sobre la evolucià ³n del Congreso en las dinà ¡micas de gobierno. El Segundo Capà ­tulo del informe desarrolla una propuesta metodolà ³gica para evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento. Como es natural, el trabajo parte de la consideracià ³n de la cantidad de leyes sancionadas por el Poder Legislativo. El nà ºmero total es 1329 leyes en 18 aà ±os es en sà ­ mismo significativo. De todas formas parece obvio que las normas aprobadas son de muy diversa naturaleza, complejidad e impacto. En consecuencia un anà ¡lisis en profundidad debe necesariamente realizar una discriminacià ³n entre ellas. Es asà ­, que de forma complementaria se propone la utilizacià ³n de un â€Å"à ­ndice de importancia† de las leyes que las clasifica en cuatro categorà ­as en funcià ³n de la utilizacià ³n de cuatro criterios. Los criterios refieren a: i) el origen del proyecto en funcià ³n de resulta de una iniciativa del Poder Ejecutivo o del propio Poder Legislativo; ii) su alcance en tà ©rminos de impacto en la sociedad; iii) la repercusià ³n en la opinià ³n pà ºblica; y iv) la existencia o no de debates en los plenarios de las cà ¡maras. El à ­ndice se construye agregando los cuatro valores para cada ley generando cuatro categorà ­as de importancia: Muy alta, alta, media y baja. El Tercer Capà ­tulo entra de lleno en el anà ¡lisis longitudinal de la produccià ³n legislativa en Repà ºblica Dominicana, 1990-2008. En primer tà ©rmino se muestra la evolucià ³n del nà ºmero de leyes aprobadas durante los 18 aà ±os incluidos en el estudio. En esta primera aproximacià ³n se constatan dos regularidades. a) Es la aparicià ³n de una tendencia creciente con el tiempo en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas. b) Es la presencia de un ciclo dentro de cada legislatura que muestra una tendencia al aumento en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas hacia el final de cada perà ­odo legislativo. En segundo tà ©rmino se observa la legislacià ³n aprobada durante el perà ­odo de anà ¡lisis en funcià ³n de los resultados que surgen de la aplicacià ³n del à ­ndice de importancia de las leyes. Allà ­ se observa que las leyes de baja importancia son la mayorà ­a. Asimismo los diferentes tipos de leyes muestran comportamientos cà ­clicos disà ­miles dentro de cada legislatura. Mientras la aprobacià ³n de leyes de alta importancia se concentra en los primeros aà ±os de cada perà ­odo presidencial. Se sostiene que esta diferencia obedece principalmente a dos factores. A) el Poder Ejecutivo promueve a nivel legislativo buena parte de su agenda de gobierno al inicio de cada administracià ³n. B) en los primeros aà ±os de cada mandato se constituyeron mayorà ­as legislativas que hicieron viables los proyectos propuestos por el gobierno, esa incidencia se manifiesta de forma muy fuerte al inicio de cada administracià ³n y va decayendo con el transcurso de la misma. El cuarto capà ­tulo: Claramente el alto porcentaje de leyes importantes aprobadas por unanimidad en el perà ­odo 1996-200 obedece a la legislacià ³n vinculada al proceso de desarrollo institucional que vivià ³ el paà ­s. En cuanto a la disciplina legislativa de los partidos polà ­ticos, lo primero a destacar es que todos los partidos dominicanos, contrariamente a lo que se cree, muestran niveles de disciplina muy altos. Al considerar las votaciones de las leyes de alta importancia, se observa que en la gran mayorà ­a de ellas, todos los partidos votaron en bloque. El à ºltimo capà ­tulo del informe estudia la interposicià ³n de vetos por parte del Poder Ejecutivo a las leyes aprobadas por el Parlamento. Este comportamiento responderà ¡ de forma evidente a la existencia y permanencia de una coalicià ³n mayoritaria de gobierno o como reaccià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo, en condicià ³n minoritaria, frente a un Parlamento que tiende a mostrarse â€Å"proactivo† y ajeno a sus prioridades en materia polà ­tica, a medida que se aproximan las siguientes elecciones. En una apreciacià ³n inicial, considerà ¡bamos que los congresos eran dà ©biles desde el punto de vista de la produccià ³n legislativa quienes otorgan la legitimidad democrà ¡tica al proceso ordinario de elaboracià ³n de la ley. Es decir, el paso de las leyes por el Congreso, no sà ³lo es obligatorio en todo proceso legislativo, sino que es el elemento legitimador de las mismas ante la sociedad. Durante el desarrollo de la investigacià ³n fue evidente que el Legislativo es un à ³rgano sumamente complejo, que requiere de anà ¡lisis muy detallados sobre las dinà ¡micas que le dan forma. Debemos reconocer que en Amà ©rica Latina el Poder Legislativo es un actor mà ¡s poderoso de lo que generalmente se cree y que —precisamente por ello— es necesario tenerlo en cuenta, pues en muchas ocasiones termina moldeando y acotando el poder que se atribuye a la Presidencia de la Repà ºblica. La propia investigacià ³n deja abiertas varias interrogantes y muestra la necesidad de profundizar en otras funciones del Congreso, que son igualmente relevantes y que en conjunto muestran la efectiva densidad del desempeà ±o y de la legitimidad de las Cà ¡maras como cuerpos primarios del sistema democrà ¡tico: control y fiscalizacià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo y de otros organismos estatales. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n pudiese desarrollar los siguientes productos: a) desempeà ±o de los partidos polà ­ticos, en tà ©rminos de incitativa legislativa y en tà ©rminos de disciplina; b) anà ¡lisis del proceso de tramitacià ³n de las leyes consideradas, disciplina de los conjuntos partidarios, etc. Serà ­a interesante poder evaluar la capacidad de propuesta y de respuesta de las representaciones congresionales, las modificaciones que se introducen a los proyectos en debate y los eventuales rechazos, los tipos de aprobacià ³n y sus alternativas concretas, observando las formas de disciplina, los intercambios y los procesos de negociacià ³n (inter e intra partidarios y sectoriales, entre los legisladores y los agentes ejecutivos) y estudiar los procesos de trabajo en las comisiones, que constituyen nà ºcleos estratà ©gicos de la labor legislativa y laboratorios privilegiados para el anà ¡lisis. Todo lo cual implica una relacià ³n inter-institucional compleja y un proceso dinà ¡mico de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, para la sancià ³n de cada producto legislativo concreto. Sin perjuicio de alguna publicacià ³n, por mà ­ desconocida, que sirva de antecedente, el presente trabajo corresponderà ­a al primer estudio de este tipo que se realiza en el Repà ºblica Dominicana, lo que es un avance importante para el anà ¡lisis de polà ­tica comparada. Confiamos en que el producto inicial de à ©ste informe sea de utilidad para la labor legislativa, los estudios acadà ©micos. Es nuestro interà ©s abrir el debate de la funcià ³n de los poderes legislativos en el entorno presidencialista. Esperamos que de su lectura el lector especializado pueda extraer à ¡ngulos de anà ¡lisis o sugerencias que deberà ¡n contribuir al despliegue de su propia reflexià ³n. II. El Congreso Como Institucià ³n 2.1.Tiempos de Cambios El Congreso ocupa un lugar relevante en la estructura de gobierno de Repà ºblica Dominicana, como lo establece la normativa constitucional, pero tambià ©n a causa de las modalidades del rà ©gimen polà ­tico y de la composicià ³n nutrida del arco de partidos, afirmando una cultura cà ­vica con tradiciones democrà ¡ticas. Es sin duda una institucià ³n estratà ©gica de un sistema que se ha ajustado histà ³ricamente a un formato efectivo de separacià ³n, de independencia y de equilibrio entre los poderes del estado, que resulta a su vez alimentado por la dinà ¡mica polà ­tica, las representaciones de la ciudadanà ­a y la intervencià ³n consistente de los partidos. Varias circunstancias han ayudado a à ©ste perfil. En primer tà ©rmino, existe una tendencia histà ³rica universal de larga data que afecta a todos los sistemas democrà ¡ticos y que redunda en el reforzamiento del papel del Poder Ejecutivo y de las demà ¡s unidades de la administracià ³n en los procesos decisorios. Mà ¡s que à ³rganos de ejecucià ³n tenemos asà ­ un verdadero â€Å"poder gubernamental† -segà ºn la acertada caracterizacià ³n de Maurice Duverger [1](1962)- que se desarrolla como nà ºcleo de produccià ³n polà ­tica, en un sistema cambiante de relaciones institucionales, con nuevos và ­nculos de separacià ³n y articulacià ³n, cooperacià ³n y competencia entre los cuerpos mayores de gobierno, que modifican a su vez las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo y los congresos de ejercicio de las demà ¡s funciones del Congreso. En tà ©rminos mà ¡s generales, las transformaciones corrientes inciden en la configuracià ³n de los factores de poder y de las alternativas de control, en el à ¡mbito de la economà ­a y en el conjunto de la sociedad. Se modifican las formas, las funciones y hasta el alcances de la polà ­tica, el oficio de los partidos y los patrones de legitimacià ³n, en un contexto de creciente complejidad y al tiempo que van cambiando las estructuras del estado y los modos de gobierno, los sistemas de gestià ³n pà ºblica y los requerimientos tà ©cnicos De este conjunto de factores y de las transformaciones concurrentes en la normativa constitucional, surge otro cuadro de condiciones para el ejercicio del Poder Legislativo. Nuevos componentes y problemas en la fabricacià ³n de la polà ­tica y de la legislacià ³n, un atado de relaciones institucionales de balance dificultoso y relativamente asimà ©trico. Habrà ¡ exigencias renovadas en la gestià ³n parlamentaria, particularmente en lo que toca a los procesos de trabajo y a la organizacià ³n, a los flujos de informacià ³n y a la disposicià ³n de saberes, a la capacidad colectiva de sus cuerpos y al desempeà ±o particular de los representantes y las bancadas, a las relaciones con la ciudadanà ­a y la opinià ³n pà ºblica. Estos elementos trazan un escenario de transicià ³n: en el que el Congreso es un actor con responsabilidades primarias en los procesos de cambio y debe tramitar a la vez su propia reconversià ³n polà ­tica e institucional. Siendo de hecho, sujeto y objeto de la reforma polà ­tica y del estado. Un centro que compite por participar con efectividad en los procesos de decisià ³n y un organismo mutante, que ha de ajustarse a las innovaciones en curso, mejorar sus capacidades y la calidad de su produccià ³n, corrigiendo sus dà ©ficits de â€Å"modernizacià ³n† y afrontando constantemente nuevos desafà ­os. 2.2. El Congreso: Funciones y Desafà ­os A travà ©s de distintas à ©pocas histà ³ricas, desde la antigua Grecia, las ciudades-estados, hasta nuestros dà ­as, y con modalidades por cierto muy diversas, la existencia de una asamblea deliberante y representativa, que albergue las expresiones del pluralismo y sea una instancia de participacià ³n, constituye una pieza fundamental en la configuracià ³n de un Rà ©gimen Polà ­tico Legà ­timo. En los sistemas democrà ¡ticos modernos, los Congresos son precisamente asambleas de naturaleza colectiva, composicià ³n plural y carà ¡cter permanente (Cotta, 1988), cuya centralidad deriva de las competencias que en esa condicià ³n tiene asignadas, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno: representacià ³n polà ­tica y debate, cuerpo de control e instancia de decisià ³n, titular primario de la funcià ³n legislativa y responsable de otras funciones pà ºblicas (constituyentes, jurisdiccionales, de administracià ³n, actos habilitantes o de autorizacià ³n). La fortaleza y la debilidad de los partidos y del sistema de partidos, su consistencia y su grado de institucionalizacià ³n, influyen obviamente en el peso polà ­tico y la capacidad de accià ³n del Congreso. Por otra parte, el balance entre el Poder Legislativo y el Poder Ejecutivo, el ascendiente del Jefe de Gobierno, las formas de articular su liderazgo y de ejercer la conduccià ³n polà ­tica, asà ­ como sus potestades para determinar la agenda parlamentaria, que dependen de las recursos institucionales de que à ©ste dispone por derecho, pueden igualmente variar en funcià ³n de los poderes de fuente partidaria y asimismo, con la formacià ³n de coaliciones polà ­ticas. La forma de las coaliciones y en particular, los và ­nculos de cooperacià ³n y de competencia entre los partidos asociados, asà ­ como las relaciones con otros partidos y con las escuadras de oposicià ³n, dibujan el margen de discrecionalidad polà ­tica del Presidente, modelan los trà ¡mites concretos de formacià ³n de mayorà ­as y determinan (o â€Å"sobre-determinan†) las modalidades de construccià ³n de la agenda congresional y los procesos legislativos. Segà ºn ello, las Cà ¡maras y los sectores partidarios representados los que està ¡n en la oposicià ³n y los que revistan en la coalicià ³n que apoya al gobierno- pueden tener frente a à ©ste, alternativas diversas de autonomà ­a y de disciplina, con diferentes posibilidades de iniciativa y de respuesta. No obstante, en casi todas las democracias modernas, las grandes decisiones pasan necesariamente por el Parlamento, mediante actos de habilitacià ³n o autorizacià ³n y afirmando las prà ¡cticas del â€Å"gobierno por legislacià ³n† (Sartori, 1994). El Parlamento se ubica en una posicià ³n estratà ©gica, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno, en articulacià ³n con los otros poderes y con la red compleja de entidades que componen la estructura pà ºblica. Por su naturaleza y su calidad intrà ­nseca es depositario mayor de la soberanà ­a y tiene a su cargo el cumplimiento de cometidos que resultan esenciales para el desenvolvimiento del rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, en tà ©rminos de legitimidad y de equilibrio institucional, de garantà ­as ciudadanas y de calidad de los procesos de decisià ³n polà ­tica. 2.3. Las Crà ­ticas al Congreso. Los eventos de la à ©poca han afectado la imagen pà ºblica del Parlamento y lo enfrentan a crà ­ticas y autocrà ­ticas, que apuntan doblemente a su là ³gica de funcionamiento y a su debilidad institucional, con razonamientos que hacen pie en la realidad parlamentaria y tienen causa cierta, pero no dejan de ser a la vez paradà ³jicos y con puntos discutibles. Ante las crà ­ticas recordadas cabe reafirmar que el cumplimiento estricto y adecuado de las responsabilidades Constitucionales del Parlamento es un componente fundamental de la calidad de la democracia y de la legitimidad del Sistema Polà ­tico. Esta premisa vale para el conjunto de las competencias del Parlamento, tanto para la funcià ³n legislativa, como para las funciones de representacià ³n y de control, en su calidad de instancia deliberativa y de à ³rgano de gobierno. En lo que toca especà ­ficamente al Proceso de Produccià ³n Legislativa hay que tener en cuenta el equilibrio complejo y de hecho la tensià ³n, entre los distintos â€Å"factores† y â€Å"valores† que intervienen: las necesidades del gobierno y los requerimientos de la participacià ³n parlamentaria, la calidad de la ley junto con la celeridad y la eficiencia en su tramitacià ³n, los intereses de la jefatura ejecutiva y las alternativas de respuesta que surgen en el recinto legislativo, el propà ³sito de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, las disidencias en los bloques oficialistas y el derecho de oposicià ³n. La relacià ³n existente entre los Poderes Legislativo y Ejecutivo, debe ser analizada como una relacià ³n de equilibrio, de coordinacià ³n y de competencia. Este dispositivo regular, se presenta de manera caracterà ­stica en el tipo de gobierno presidencial, que ha sido definido como â€Å"un sistema de instituciones separadas que comparten el poder† (Neustadt, 1960). Tenemos asà ­ un esquema de separacià ³n, con dos instituciones legitimadas por una eleccià ³n directa, que por naturaleza y por diseà ±o, comparten el poder y compiten por à ©l en rigor, son orgà ¡nicamente â€Å"alentadas a competir† (Charles Jones, 1994), a fin de hacer valer su propia representacià ³n y para concretar su participacià ³n en los procesos de gobierno (Sartori, 1994 y Mark Jones, 1995). En tà ©rminos generales, en estos principios deberà ­a basarse el anà ¡lisis adecuado de las funciones del Parlamento, asà ­ como los debates tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos sobre su performance, tanto en una perspectiva histà ³rica, como en lo que toca a las alternativas del tiempo actual. Y es con tales fundamentos en una reivindicacià ³n explà ­cita de los postulados indicados que entendemos necesario encarar este estudio sobre la Produccià ³n Legislativa, dentro de las coordenadas especà ­ficas del sistema dominicano. 2.4. El Proceso Legislativo Dominicano Las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo en Repà ºblica Dominicana son conocidas y resultan familiares para los agentes polà ­ticos y en particular para los parlamentarios. Sin detenernos pues en los detalles de su descripcià ³n, creemos no obstante conveniente repasar algunos de los rasgos principales que encuadran dicho proceso desde el punto de vista polà ­tico institucional. En este sentido, debemos subrayar que se trata de un proceso regulado minuciosamente por la propia Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica en forma mà ¡s detallada que en otros à ³rdenes jurà ­dicos. Historia: El Poder Legislativo dominicano tiene su origen en el informe de la comisià ³n encargada de redactar la Constitucià ³n de 1844 que debà ­a ser sometido para su discusià ³n al Soberano Congreso Constituyente. La primera Constitucià ³n Dominicana del 6 de Noviembre de 1844 consagrà ³ un Congreso Nacional compuesto por 2 Cà ¡maras: El Tribunado y el Consejo Conservador. El trabajo de esos cuerpos legislativos en ese primer aà ±o fue intenso y lleno de dificultades, pues en el paà ­s todo estaba por reglamentarse. Entre las disposiciones tomadas, pueden citarse; la Ley de Instruccià ³n Pà ºblica, la Ley de Patentes de Navegacià ³n, la Ley del Rà ©gimen de Aduanas, la Ley de Administracià ³n Provincial, la Ley de Subdivisià ³n Polà ­tica de las Provincias, la Ley de Atribuciones y Responsabilidades de los Secretarios de Estado, la Ley que adaptà ³ los Cà ³digos Franceses y la Reforma a los Bienes Nacionales; entre otras. Funcià ³n: El Artà ­culo 16 de la Constitucià ³n Dominicana le asigna una definicià ³n especà ­fica de â€Å"Congreso de la Repà ºblica†, institucià ³n polà ­tica colegiada, de carà ¡cter pluralista y electivo, que funciona normalmente dentro del contexto de las democracias liberales, cuyas atribuciones principales son hacer las leyes, examinar todos los actos del Poder Ejecutivo y ejercer control sobre el gobierno y la administracià ³n en general. El Congreso ejerce el poder constituyente derivado. Esta conformacià ³n de las asambleas parlamentarias supone el establecimiento de un cuerpo estable y especializado, que inviste la representacià ³n de la ciudadanà ­a y de los partidos en un à ¡mbito de pluralidad, como: o Cuerpo Deliberante: Realizan deliberaciones e intercambio de posiciones y luego son discutidos pà ºblicamente por una asamblea constituida en autoridad pà ºblica. o Cuerpo Representativo: Permiten canalizar demandas emergentes (en tà ©rminos de agregacià ³n y regulacià ³n, de compromiso y de autoridad, articulando los intereses particulares con las producciones de interà ©s general). o Es un Órgano Polà ­tico Colegiado: Compuesto por un grupo de personas elegidas democrà ¡ticamente mediante sufragio popular para representar a los ciudadanos. o Es una Asamblea de Carà ¡cter Permanente: El Congreso origina decisiones continuamente, asegurando la gobernabilidad. o Expresià ³n de Pluralismo Polà ­tico: Es la à ºnica institucià ³n que consiente la presencia conjunta y continua de todos los sujetos polà ­ticos y no excluye ningà ºn sector social; llevà ¡ndole en fin a recoger opinià ³n, formarla y participar en las opciones de gobierno, fundamentalmente mediante la construccià ³n del orden jurà ­dico y del imperio de la ley, dentro de un estatuto constitucional que ofrece garantà ­as de divisià ³n de poderes, de control y de equilibrio polà ­tico. De acuerdo con el mandato Constitucional y las normas reglamentarias de la institucià ³n, las funciones Congresionales son tres: Legislar, Fiscalizar y Representar. o La actividad de Legislar o de hacer leyes es considerada la funcià ³n bà ¡sica de un Congreso, ya que los Senadores y Diputados tienen la indelegable misià ³n de transformar en textos claros, precisos y coherentes todo aquello que se pretende instituir como norma para regir conductas o relaciones individuales o colectivas. o El mandato y el mecanismo de Fiscalizacià ³n se refiere a la inspeccià ³n, fiscalizacià ³n, revisià ³n e interpelacià ³n sobre la actividad que realizan el Poder Ejecutivo y sus dependencias; es decir, Secretarà ­as de Estado y Direcciones Generales, asà ­ como sobre cualquier otro funcionario electo. Esta trabajo de control ejerce una funcià ³n de contrapeso frente a las actuaciones del gobierno central, o El concepto de Representacià ³n es moderno. En polà ­tica, implica actuar en interà ©s de los representados, de una manera sensible ante ellos. El compromiso de representacià ³n es doble, ya que los legisladores representan a la nacià ³n y a la provincia o circunscripcià ³n que los ha elegido. Congreso Bicameral: A travà ©s de la separacià ³n de poderes -que sigue siendo un principio vigente en las constituciones polà ­ticas modernas y en la nuestra- el Parlamento es a su manera un à ³rgano de gobierno (co-gobernante), mediante un desempeà ±o adecuado de sus dos cà ¡maras, donde ambas Cà ¡maras participan en pie de igualdad. La produccià ³n legislativa por lo que podemos decir que es un proceso fuertemente reglamentado y complejo, que presenta alternativas complicadas y diversas, desde el punto de vista del desempeà ±o institucional y la negociacià ³n polà ­tica, como pieza estratà ©gica de las acciones de gobierno. La constitucià ³n bicameral del Poder Legislativo ha sido histà ³ricamente concebida como un mecanismo que limita las posibilidades de dominio simple de una mayorà ­a parlamentaria (una eventual â€Å"tiranà ­a†, segà ºn los constitucionalistas clà ¡sicos, temerosos de la concentracià ³n de la autoridad pà ºblica) y es en sà ­ misma una garantà ­a suplementaria de la separacià ³n de poderes, actuando como un factor mà ¡s de equilibrio, al interior del organismo legislativo, en el conjunto de las instituciones pà ºblicas y en relacià ³n a la ciudadanà ­a. Es este un ingrediente bà ¡sico de la civilizacià ³n democrà ¡tica, que permite una mayor amplitud en la representacià ³n polà ­tica, favorece el pluralismo y brinda la oportunidad de un mejor procesamiento (polà ­tico y tà ©cnico) de los productos legislativos, en un mà ©rito que se extiende a otras competencias parlamentarias[2]. La estructura bicameral conlleva a que los proyectos de ley deban pasar necesariamente por el examen de ambas Cà ¡maras (â€Å"doble escrutinio†) y sà ³lo resulten aprobados si se llega a una voluntad coincidente de los dos cuerpos, con sus mayorà ­as respectivas. Si median diferencias, el proyecto es objeto de una segunda revisià ³n. Los sistemas bicamerales hacen que el proceso de la formacià ³n de la ley sea mà ¡s responsable y cuidadoso, evitando la aprobacià ³n precipitada de los proyectos y, ademà ¡s, resulta mà ¡s acorde con el rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, por cuanto garantiza mejor una autà ©ntica representacià ³n tanto polà ­tica como regional y social. Conformacià ³n y Eleccià ³n: Nuestro Poder Legislativo està ¡ conformado por un Senado, compuesto por 32 miembros, uno por el Distrito Nacional y un representante de cada Provincia y. una Cà ¡mara de Diputados. El Senado està ¡ La Cà ¡mara de Diputados està ¡ compuesto por 178 miembros, a razà ³n de uno por cada cincuenta mil habitantes o fraccià ³n de mà ¡s de veinticinco mil. Por cada provincia debe haber por lo menos dos (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art. 24). Ambos representan al pueblo, a travà ©s de distintos partidos polà ­ticos, son elegidos por representacià ³n proporcional desde las listas partidarias y de forma nominal, por votacià ³n directa secreta y universal, en todo el paà ­s, para un perà ­odo de cuatro aà ±os (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art 21, Art. 24) Las elecciones nacionales para elegir diputados se harà ¡n mediante circunscripciones electorales con el objeto de garantizar que los ciudadanos que resulten electos en las elecciones generales, sean una verdadera representacià ³n del sector de los habitantes que los eligen.[3] La Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica no delega en los partidos polà ­ticos la representacià ³n del pueblo, mà ¡s bien los contempla como instrumentos para realizar el procedimiento electivo mediante el cual los ciudadanos eligen cada cuatro aà ±os a sus representantes. Quorum: En cada Cà ¡mara se requiere la presencia de mà ¡s de la mitad de sus miembros, como quà ³rum mà ­nimo para la validez de las deliberaciones. Las decisiones se toman por mayorà ­a absoluta de votos (Art. 30). La legislatura ordinaria dura noventa dà ­as, pero puede prorrogarse por sesenta dà ­as mà ¡s (Art. 33). Proceso Legislativo: En una investigacià ³n sobre la participacià ³n de los parlamentos en la produccià ³n polà ­tica, Olson y Mezey (1991) afirman que el proceso legislativo està ¡ determinado por tres conjuntos de factores: a) las influencias externas sobre la legislatura; b) la capacidad de actuacià ³n de los legisladores; y c) el contenido de las polà ­ticas que se procesan. Las influencias externas està ¡n determinadas por el dispositivo constitucional, la estructura estatal, la normativa electoral, el sistema de partidos, los intereses de los grupos de la sociedad y la agenda pà ºblica de gobierno. El alcance de actuacià ³n de los legisladores està ¡ determinado por el formato organizacional del Parlamento, las reglas de funcionamiento de las cà ¡maras y de las comisiones, las estructuras de los partidos, asà ­ como la operativa especà ­fica de las bancadas y finalmente, las caracterà ­sticas personales de los integrantes del cuerpo. El contenido de las polà ­ticas depende de la naturaleza de los proyectos que se presentan en el Parlamento y del tipo de actores e intereses a que tales proyectos afectan. Para alcanzar pues un resultado unificado, que manifieste la voluntad formal del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano mayor del estado, es necesario recorrer un itinerario complejo, de instancias eslabonadas, que respeta la composicià ³n bicameral del Parlamento, asà ­ como la calidad representativa de los cuerpos que lo componen y de sus integrantes, respondiendo a los requerimientos tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos de la gramà ¡tica legislativa. Este proceso està ¡ integrado por cuatro fases: a) la proposicià ³n del proyecto de ley, b) el trà ¡mite del proyecto, c) la aprobacià ³n de la ley, y d) la promulgacià ³n de la ley. En sentido general, Todo proyecto de ley puede iniciarse en cualquiera de las dos Cà ¡maras y pasan usualmente a las comisiones parlamentarias respectivas, sean à ©stas especiales o permanentes, actuando mà ¡s de una vez en forma integrada. Las comisiones son organismos fundamentales del sistema parlamentario y obran con un potencial de buena polà ­tica legislativa, agregando a esta tarea, una mayor densidad, garantà ­as y posibilidades de calidad[4]. Cuando el trabajo en la comisià ³n ha concluido, el proyecto es presentado en el plenario de la Cà ¡mara correspondiente para su discusià ³n y aprobacià ³n. Luego de admitido en una de las Cà ¡maras debe ser sometido a dos discusiones distintas, con un intervalo de un dà ­a por lo menos entre una y otra discusià ³n (Art. 39), de acuerdo al procedimiento para la aprobacià ³n de leyes. Sà ­, en el caso de que el proyecto fuese declarado de emergencia debe ser discutido en dos sesiones consecutivas (Art. 39). Cada Cà ¡mara es independientemente en sus funciones de acuerdo al criterio mayoritario de sus miembros. Cualquier proyecto de ley recibido en una Cà ¡mara, despuà ©s de haber sido aprobado en la otra, serà ¡ fijado en el orden del dà ­a; pero el mismo puede ser aprobado, modificado o rechazado por esta (Art. 40). Sancià ³n: El procedimiento de sancià ³n legislativa se inicia con el debate en Sala, a partir de la intervencià ³n de los voceros de las comisiones actuantes. Luego, los legisladores discuten el proyecto en general y luego en particular, artà ­culo por artà ­culo, mediante un procedimiento ordenado por el Reglamento de Funcionamiento de cada Cà ¡mara. Todo proyecto de ley aprobado por la Cà ¡mara de origen pasarà ¡ a la otra Cà ¡mara para su consideracià ³n, desarrollà ¡ndose un procedimiento de ida y

Business Social Responsibility :: Social Responsibility Essays

According to Riahi (2009), organisations (FirstGroup plc etc) can in fact be deemed as social units deliberately constructed to seek specific goal. In such respect, further resonating catalytic for pro and pessimistic dialogue: Milton Friedman argued within a 1970 New York Times magazine article that the only â€Å"social responsibility of business,† is to â€Å"increase its profits.† â€Å"The corporation,† he wrote in his book, Capitalism & Freedom, â€Å"is an instrument of the stockholders who own it, if the corporation makes a contribution, it prevents the individual stockholders from himself deciding how he should dispose of his funds.† (M. Porter, M. Kramer, 2003). Accordingly to their view, companies such as FirstGroup plc and Emerlad Energy plc would be undeniably misusing the resources entrusted to them as they engage in corporate social responsibility. In utter contrast, Heilbroner, on the other hand, suggests stockholder’s as no longer a significant source of venture capital, ‘merely a passive holder of certificate of varying degrees of risk & potential return, with little knowledge of the real performance of â€Å"his† corporation. Surely the other stakeholders deserve some return?’ (N. Smith, 1990) further underpinning businesses and its proprietors to comply with societal values & take an active role on society as this is in line with the long term interest of business ( P Griseri, N. Seppola, 2009) for e.g. whether it could be suggested as FirstGroup’s  £1.8 million community contribution, particularly, training of the local indigenous population can in some factor be deemed as a rather integral part of the company’s strategic CSR – focal objective of the firm’s differentiation strategy. In addition, studies linking strategic investment to CSR (in particular, the resourced based view) have previously suggested that specialised skills or capabilities related to i nvestment in CSR can lead to firm specific competitive advantages ( J. Frynas,2009) findings suggest firms with socially responsible practices have higher valuation and lower risk as investment in improving responsible employee relations, environmental policies, and product strategies contributes substantially to reducing firms’ cost of equity (Ghoul et al 2010). The capital market equilibrium model of Merton (1987, p. 500) implies that increasing the relative size of a firm’s investor base will result in lower cost of capital and higher market value for the firm. In a similar vein, Heinkel et al. (2001) develop an equilibrium model that implies that when fewer investors hold the stock of a firm, the opportunities for risk diversification are reduced and hence the firm’s cost of capital will be higher.